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Most Recent Posts Research and Analysis WingPosted Jun-12-08 10:04:27 PDT http://telespy.blogspot.com/search/label/Anatomy%20of%20Indian%20Intelligence%20Services%20and%20Alliances This article is about the Indian intelligence agency. For other uses,
Research and Analysis Wing (RAW or R&AW)[1] is India's external intelligence agency. Formed in September 1968 after the Sino-Indian War of 1962 and the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, its primary function is collection of external intelligence, counter-terrorism and covert operations. In addition, it is also responsible for obtaining and analyzing information about foreign governments, corporations, and persons in order to advise Indian foreign policymakers. Until the creation of R&AW in September 1968, the Intelligence Bureau handled both internal and external intelligence. The R&AW has its headquarters on Lodhi Road in New Delhi. The current director of the organization is Ashok Chaturvedi, an IPS officer who later joined the Research and Analysis Service (RAS). R&AW traces its origins to the post Sino-Indian war (October 20 - November 21, 1962) scenario where foreign intelligence failure led to the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1889-1964) instructing the setting up of a dedicated foreign intelligence agency. Prior to its inception, intelligence collection was primarily the responsibility of the Intelligence Bureau (IB) which was created by the British. In 1933, sensing the political turmoil in the world which eventually led to the Second World War, the bureau's responsibilities were increased to include the collection of intelligence along India's borders. In 1947, after independence, Sanjeevi Pillai took over as the first Indian Director of IB. Having been depleted of trained manpower by the exit of the British, Pillai tried to run the bureau on MI5 lines. Although in 1949, Pillai organized a small foreign intelligence set-up, the inefficacy of it was proved by the Indian debacle in the Indo-China War of 1962, and the cry of 'not enough intelligence available', was taken up by the Indian Chief of Army Staff, General Chaudhry, after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. Around the end of 1966 the concept of a separate foreign intelligence agency began to take concrete shape. In 1968, after Indira Gandhi had taken over, it was decided that a full-fledged second security service was needed. R. N. Kao[2], then a deputy director of the Intelligence Bureau, submitted a blueprint for the new agency. Kao was appointed as the chief of India's first foreign intelligence agency named as the Research and Analysis Wing or R&AW. The R&AW was given the responsibility for strategic external intelligence, human as well as technical, plus concurrent responsibility with the Directorate-General of Military Intelligence for tactical trans-border military intelligence up to a certain depth across the LOC and the international border. As per convention, the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) under the Cabinet Secretariat is responsible for co-ordinating and analyzing intelligence activities between R&AW, the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). In practice, however, the effectiveness of the JIC has been varied[3]. With the establishment of the National Security Council in 1999, the role of the JIC has been merged with the NSC. R&AW's legal status is unusual; it is not an "Agency" but a "Wing" of the Cabinet Secretariat. Hence R&AW is not answerable to Parliament on any issue. Because of this, R&AW has been kept out of reach of the Right to Information Act [4][5]. R&AW takes shapeR&AW started as a wing of the main Intelligence Bureau with 250 employees and an annual budget of Rs 2 crore (roughly $450,000). In the early seventies, its annual budget had risen to Rs 30 crores while its personnel numbered several thousand. In 1971, Kao had persuaded the government to set up the Aviation Research Centre (ARC). The ARC's job was aerial reconnaissance.[6] It replaced the Indian Air Force's old reconnaissance aircraft and by the mid-70s, R&AW, through the ARC, had high quality aerial pictures of the installations along the Chinese and Pakistani borders. Presently the budget of R&AW hovers around $150 million. [7][8] The ARC operating bases at (Clockwise from top right) 1.Military Charbatia Air Base Cuttack, Orissa 20°33'N 85°53'E, 2.Military Dum Duma Air Station, Tinsukia, Assam 27°33'N 95°34'E , 3.Farkhor Air Base Farkhor/Ayni, Tajikistan 37°28'N 69°22'EChakrata Air Station, Chakrata, Uttarakhand 30°42'N 77°51'E 4.Chakrata Air Station, Chakrata, Uttarakhand 30°42'N 77°51'E. There are four R&AW Aviation Research Centre operating bases:[9] at Charbatia in Cuttack; at Chakrata on the Uttarakhand-Himachal Pradesh border, also the headquarters of the elite Special Frontier Force; Dum Duma near Tinsukia in Assam; and at the Palam domestic airport in Delhi.[10] It is also alleged that Farkhor Air Base, the only Indian military base situated in a foreign country, at Farkhor/Ayni in Tajikistan,[11] is also another base station of ARC. By 1976, Kao became responsible for security, reporting directly to the Prime Minister. His rise paralleled R&AW's rise to prominence. R&AW agents operated in virtually every major embassy and high commission. ARC has positioned itself to be one of the foremost agencies in aerial surveillance. Its assets of fixed-wing transport and light aircraft like Russian IL-76s and Antonov An-32s and General Dynamics Gulfstream III/SRA-1s and upgraded Gulfstream IV/SRA-4 jets of the US and helicopter fleet comprising Russian MI-8s and a mix of locally built Cheetahs (locally modified French Alouette IIs) and Chetak's (Alouette IIIs), many of which are used to transport Special Frontier Force (SFF) commandos from their base at Chakrata, 250 km north of New Delhi, at the behest of R&AW operatives or from the Intelligence Bureau are tasked with gathering information via airborne signal intelligence (SIGINT) operations and photo reconnaissance flights along its northern and eastern frontiers. The Government of India has added another intelligence agency which is dedicated to collection of technical intelligence ( TECHINT ). India's new hi-tech spying agency, the National Technical Facilities Organisation (NTFO), also known as National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) is believed to be functioning under R&AW, although it remains autonomous to some degree. While the exact nature of the operations conducted by NTFO are classified, it is believed that it deals with research on imagery and communications using various platforms. ControversiesFrom its inception R&AW has been criticised for being an agency not answerable to the people of India (R&AW reports to Prime Minister only). Fears arose that it could turn into the KGB of India. Such fears were kept at bay by the R&AW's able leadership (although detractors of R&AW and especially the Janata Party have accused the agency of letting itself be used for terrorising and intimidating opposition during emergencies). The main controversy which has plagued R&AW in recent year is over bureaucratisation of the system with allegations about favoritism in promotions etc.[75]R&AW also suffers from ethnic imbalances in the officer level. In 2006, Indian magazine Outlook reported that although India has a Muslim minority numbering 140 million, there was not one single high level Muslim officer in R&AW. Reuters quoted anonymous sources as saying there were some Muslims in RAW, but they were mostly field officers.[76]. Noted security analyst and former Additional Secretary B.Raman has criticised the agency for its asymmetric growth; "while being strong in its capability for covert action it is weak in its capability for intelligence collection, analysis and assessment. Strong in low and medium-grade intelligence, weak in high-grade intelligence. Strong in technical intelligence, weak in human intelligence. Strong in collation, weak in analysis. Strong in investigation, weak in prevention. Strong in crisis management, weak in crisis prevention."[77][78] In September 2007, R&AW was involved in controversy due to the high profile CBI raid at the residence of Maj Gen (retired) V K Singh, a retired Joint Secretary of R&AW who has recently written a book on R&AW where it was alleged that political interference and corruption in the intelligence agency has made it vulnerable to defections. A case under Official Secrets Act has also been filed.[79] Defections and spy scandalsIn recent past there has been few high profile defections and scandals which have tarnished the image of R&AW as efficient agency, some of the scandals that were in news in past are: http://telespy.blogspot.com/search/label/Anatomy%20of%20Indian%20Intelligence%20Services%20and%20AlliancesU.S. partnership with Jordan was targetedPosted Jun-12-08 09:58:29 PDT WASHINGTON — The suicide bombers who struck three Western hotels in Amman, Jordan, on Wednesday also were targeting the increasingly important U.S. partnership with that country. Jordan's General Intelligence Directorate, or GID, has surpassed Israel's Mossad as America's most effective allied counter-terrorism agency in the Middle East. Since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, its cooperation with the CIA has grown even closer. The GID has aggressively hunted Abu Musab Zarqawi, the Jordanian-born head of the extremist group Al Qaeda in Iraq and suspected planner of Wednesday's bombings. Last year, Jordanian agents arrested several Zarqawi associates, reportedly foiling truck-bomb attacks on the U.S. Embassy and government targets in Amman, the capital. Former CIA Director R. James Woolsey called Jordan "a natural target for al-Qaida" and Iraqi insurgents. Joint operations The U.S. provides secret financial assistance to subsidize the GID's budget, former senior U.S. intelligence officials said, adding that the two intelligence agencies conduct sophisticated joint operations and routinely share information. Jordan's intelligence partnership with the U.S. is so close, in fact, that the CIA has had technical personnel "virtually embedded" at GID headquarters, said a former CIA official in the Middle East. Most recently, Jordan has emerged as a hub for "extraordinary renditions," the controversial, covert transfer of suspected extremists from U.S. custody to foreign intelligence agencies. GID personnel are characterized as highly capable interrogators by Frank Anderson, a former CIA Middle East division chief. "They're going to get more information [from a terrorism suspect] because they're going to know his language, his culture, his associates — and more about the network he belongs to," Anderson said. But in two previously undisclosed cases, citizens of Yemen claim they were detained in Pakistan and Afghanistan, then transported to Jordan and held by the GID. One said he was tortured. Praise, accusations The State Department praised Jordan for combating terrorism in one report this year and accused it of human-rights abuses in another. The latter report is particularly sensitive as the Bush administration argues for war in Iraq, in part, to bring democracy to the Middle East. Washington's intelligence partner in Jordan has been criticized for political repression and human-rights violations. The State Department credits cooperation between the CIA and the GID with disrupting "numerous terrorist plots" and intercepting insurgents attempting to cross the Jordan-Iraq border. But according to a State Department report released this year, Jordanian security agents also "sometimes abuse detainees physically and verbally during detention and interrogation, and allegedly also use torture." It said Jordan's reported torture methods include sleep deprivation, beatings on the soles of the feet, prolonged suspension with ropes in contorted positions and extended solitary confinement. Such allegations have not hampered the CIA's collaboration with the GID. "Jordan is at the top of our list of foreign partners," said Michael Scheuer, who resigned from the CIA last year, ending a 22-year career that included four years heading a unit tracking Osama bin Laden. "We have similar agendas, and they are willing to help any way they can." "A wider reach" Although the Israeli Mossad is commonly considered the CIA's closest ally in the region, Scheuer and others interviewed said the GID is as capable and professional as the Mossad — and as an Arab nation, Jordan is more effective combating predominantly Arab militant organizations. "The GID ... has a wider reach (in the Middle East) than the Mossad," the former CIA terrorism expert said. The GID, with authority to track both internal and external security threats, plays a leading role monitoring opponents of King Abdullah II's' authoritarian regime, including human-rights advocates. The agency has arrest powers and runs a network of detention centers. Students applying to universities need a good-behavior certificate from the GID, according to the State Department human-rights report. The directorate can also deny passports to its citizens on national-security grounds. Rights issues Political repression has increased in Jordan, partly in response to local opposition to the nation's role in the Iraq war. Human-rights advocates have accused Amman of cracking down on free speech and assembly and report growing numbers of political prisoners. Jordan receives about $450 million annually in economic and military aid from the U.S. It is one of only two Arab states to sign a peace agreement with Israel. The other is Egypt. "The United States has had no closer ally than Jordan in the war on terror, and Jordan will find no better friend than the United States at this difficult hour," Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said Wednesday after the attacks in Amman. The Amman government backed the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and has since allowed American forces to establish military bases on its territory. The Jordanian military is helping train Iraqi security forces. Although Jordan supported Iraq in the 1991 Persian Gulf War, it later provided refuge for political foes of Iraq President Saddam Hussein, including Ayad Allawi, who became the interim prime minister under the American occupation. Adept at infiltration The GID has a long record of successfully targeting and penetrating extremist groups. In the 1970s, it played a leading role in a crackdown against Palestinian radicals who at one point threatened to topple the monarchy. In the 1980s, the CIA and GID collaborated in a sophisticated campaign to subvert and ultimately cripple the Abu Nidal group, considered the world's most dangerous terrorist organization at the time. According to the former Middle East station chief, Nidal was extremely fearful of infiltrators. To feed that paranoia, the GID set up bogus foreign bank accounts to falsely show his top aides receiving mysterious payments from overseas. Scheuer, who in the mid-1990s helped start the CIA's rendition program, said Jordan was one of just a few countries — including Egypt and Morocco — willing to accept suspects from the agency. The former agency official emphasized that the original rendition program was presidentially approved and vetted by government attorneys. Larry Johnson, a former State Department counter-terrorism official, said Jordan was an ideal partner for the program. "Of all of our allies, which country would you want to question a terrorist suspect in his own language and who you trust not to blow smoke?" he asked. "Jordan wins hands down. They are the most professional and sophisticated interrogators we can rely on." Rendition The Times has identified at least six cases in which Jordan aided the U.S. in handling detainees, according to interviews and legal documents. In at least two previously unreported cases, the U.S. is alleged to have delivered detainees to the GID, which later returned them to American custody after concluding their interrogations. In late-September 2001, Jamal Mari, a Yemeni citizen, was seized by Pakistani security forces in Karachi. He was held at a secret police prison for several weeks and then turned over to American intelligence officials, who flew him to Jordan. Mari was held at a GID facility, according to an account he gave to his American attorney, Marc Falkoff. Mari said he was not physically abused by the GID but was kept hidden from visiting Red Cross inspectors. Falkoff said Mari was returned to U.S. custody after four months in Jordan. He is being held at Guantánamo Bay. The U.S. government has accused Mari of working for a charity group in Pakistan with ties to al-Qaida. He denies the charge and says he has no affiliation with terrorists. Another Yemeni, 17-year-old Hassan bin Attash, was turned over to American forces in Pakistan and sent to a U.S.-run prison in Afghanistan. His story was relayed to a Libyan detainee whose lawyer, Clive Stafford-Smith, shared his notes with the Times. According to bin Attash, U.S. officials sent him to Jordan in 2002. He claims enduring GID torture over a four-month period before he was returned to U.S. authorities. He, too, is being held at Guantánamo Bay. Falkoff, who recently agreed to represent bin Attash, said U.S. government attorneys have refused to turn over a summary of the case. "All I know is that the government has identified him as an enemy combatant," he said. The Jordanian embassy in Washington did not reply to questions about the GID-CIA relationship or about renditions to or through Jordan. However, the GID denied torturing detainees in an e-mail to Amnesty International last August. | ||||||||||||||||||